O R I G I N A L P A P E R
Social Networks and Friendships at School: Comparing ChildrenWith and Without ASD
Connie Kasari • Jill Locke • Amanda Gulsrud •
Erin Rotheram-Fuller
Published online: 30 July 2010
� The Author(s) 2010. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com
Abstract Self, peer and teacher reports of social relation-
ships were examined for 60 high-functioning children with
ASD. Compared to a matched sample of typical children in
the same classroom, children with ASD were more often on
the periphery of their social networks, reported poorer
quality friendships and had fewer reciprocal friendships. On
the playground, children with ASD were mostly unengaged
but playground engagement was not associated with peer,
self, or teacher reports of social behavior. Twenty percent of
children with ASD had a reciprocated friendship and also
high social network status. Thus, while the majority of high
functioning children with ASD struggle with peer relation-
ships in general education classrooms, a small percentage of
them appear to have social success.
Keywords Social networks � Playground observations �Friendships � Social skills
Introduction
Despite the well-documented peer difficulties of children
with autism spectrum disorders (ASD), parents and profes-
sionals increasingly prefer inclusion of their children in
general education classrooms (Kasari et al. 1999). The
rationale is that placement of children with ASD in general
educational settings increases the involvement of these
children in the mainstream, through the behavioral modeling
of typical peers, and others’ acceptance and appreciation of
people with differences (Guralnick 1990; Villa et al. 1995).
Current research suggests that there may be both social
benefit and risk for children with ASD in inclusive settings.
Access to typical child models has been suggested as
one benefit to social outcomes for children with ASD. For
example, Sigman and Ruskin (1999) found that children
with ASD were more socially engaged at school if they had
access to typical children on the playground. Similarly,
Bauminger et al. (2003) found that high functioning chil-
dren with ASD were more likely to engage with a typical
peer on the playground than with children with special
needs. Some parents report their child’s inclusive experi-
ence as being characterized by peer acceptance, and being
able to form meaningful friendships with their non-dis-
abled classmates (Ryndak et al. 1995; Staub et al. 1994).
Mainstreamed classrooms may offer an ideal context to use
typical peers as social models, encouraging the mainte-
nance and generalization of skills often not achieved by
interventions that use an adult interventionist (Carr and
Darcy 1990; Roeyers 1996; Shearer et al. 1996).
However, other studies demonstrate that inclusion may
be insufficient to truly integrate children with ASD into the
social networks of their typical peers (Burack et al. 1997),
and may even pose social risks (MacMillan et al. 1996;
Ochs et al. 2001; Sale and Carey 1995). High-functioning
students with ASD may be at even greater risk for peer
rejection than more impaired students with ASD. Students
with severe disabilities may be more accepted in class-
rooms of mostly typical students because they readily stand
out. Different expectations can lead typical peers to play a
functional, protective role toward them instead of leading
to rejection. On the other hand, students with mild dis-
abilities receive little acceptance regardless of classroom
C. Kasari (&) � J. Locke � A. GulsrudSemel Institute, University of California Los Angeles,
68-268, Los Angeles, CA 90095, USA
e-mail: kasari@gseis.ucla.edu
E. Rotheram-Fuller
Temple University, Philadelphia, PA, USA
123
J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544
DOI 10.1007/s10803-010-1076-x
composition. Yet both groups are more stigmatized and less
accepted than typical students (Cook and Semmel 1999).
Inclusive classrooms may also be over-stimulating and
lack specified staff and resources that students with ASD
need, causing them to grow dependent on adults in the
classroom (Mesibov and Shea 1996). From interviews with
adolescents with ASD, it appears that support staff (often
in the form of a paraprofessional aide) may mark children
as being different, hindering rather than facilitating peer
relationships (Humphrey and Lewis 2008). Researchers
observing kindergarten and school aged children note that
adults assigned to children with ASD are often unsure of
what to do on playgrounds and interfere, blocking interac-
tions between children and their peers, resulting in more
isolation from peers while increasing the child with ASD’s
interactions with adults (Anderson et al. 2004). Inclusion and
the practices implemented to facilitate inclusion (e.g.,
assignment of paraprofessionals to the child with ASD) may
not always promote social success of children with ASD.
Children spend the majority of their day at school, but
studies have rarely examined the friendships and peer
interactions of children with ASD within this context.
Rather, most studies ask children or parents to identify
friendships without gathering corresponding reciprocity
data. As Bauminger and Kasari (2000) note, all of the chil-
dren in their sample of high functioning children with autism
identified a friend. Most children were identified from their
school setting; however, several children identified friends
that mothers later indicated was the child’s tutor, stepdad, or
other unusual choice. Without data from the nominated
friend of the child with ASD, we could not judge reciprocity
of friendships. In a later study of second and third grade
children, we found that approximately one-third of nomi-
nated friends reciprocated the friendship of children with
ASD at school compared to sixty percent for typical children
from the same class (Chamberlain et al. 2007). Thus, reci-
procity at school appears to be lower for children with ASD.
While multiple informants are important in determining
the social inclusion of children with ASD at school,
reporters do not always agree on the degree to which
children are socially included. In particular, children with
ASD experience misperception of their social involvement
at school; they may see themselves as more or less socially
involved than their peers or parents report. For example, in
one study we found that children with ASD saw themselves
as more connected than their peers saw them. Children
with ASD nominated many more children as friends at
school than peers nominated them (Chamberlain et al.
2007). In another study, children identified fewer friends
from any context or setting than their mothers identified for
them (Bauminger and Kasari 2000). In this latter study, we
did not obtain peer reports so that it was unclear if mothers
over-identified or children under-identified their friends.
Determining inclusion success appears different depending
on the reporter (e.g. peer, child with ASD, parent, teacher)
and the circumstances (e.g., observations of actual behavior
on playgrounds or survey).
One limitation to our current knowledge of children’s
experiences at school is that most studies describe the expe-
riences of only a few children and are limited in the number of
measures and reporters that they include. Thus, studies may
obtain the child’s report of relationships, and/or their tea-
cher’s or parent’s report, but rarely reports from peers and/or
observations of spontaneously occurring peer interactions. In
our previous reports of classroom peer nominations, both
peers and children with ASD agreed that children with ASD
were more often peripheral in their classroom social networks
(Chamberlain et al. 2007; Rotheram-Fuller et al. in press).
Children with ASD also reported lower quality friendships
(Bauminger and Kasari 2000; Chamberlain et al. 2007), and
their difficulties with their peer social networks were greater
at the older grades than the younger grades (Rotheram-Fuller
et al. in press). However, these studies did not include actual
observations of peer relationships, nor did they include
impressions from teachers. Teachers and independent
observers of children’s social interactions on the playgrounds
offer important additional information on the social inclusion
of children with ASD.
It is expected that the peer social network nominations of
children should be in line with observations of children on
their school playgrounds. Thus, peer reports of children with
ASD as peripheral to their classroom social networks should
predict that they would be largely unengaged on their school
playgrounds. Indeed, studies that have observed children
with ASD on playgrounds suggest that they are often unen-
gaged with peers; they make fewer attempts to interact with
other children, and are less responsive to other’s bids for
social interaction (Sigman and Ruskin 1999). One study
found that just four behaviors discriminated over 90% of
children with ASD on the playground from other children.
These behaviors included poor social engagement with
peers, lack of respect for personal space, isolation, and
inappropriate behavior (Ingram et al. 2007). The consistent
finding that children with ASD are isolated or unengaged on
the playground may be due to several possibilities, including
that children distance themselves from interactions with
others (perhaps wanting to be alone) or that they are unen-
gaged due to their own or others’ actions on the playground.
At this point, we do not know how the children themselves
(both peers and the child with ASD) and their teachers view
their relationships, and how these relationships may play out
on the school playground. To date, researchers have not
connected all of these measures together in the same study.
The goal of the current study was to connect self and
other perceptions to actual observations of children on their
playgrounds, and to teacher reports of social interactions at
534 J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544
123
school. While we recognize that children can have friend-
ships in many different contexts, they spend the greatest
amount of time at school, and it is the context in which social
relationships can have added benefit to both social and
academic development. Moreover, for children with ASD,
school is the context in which they can feel loneliness and
isolation (Bauminger and Kasari 2000). We expected that
children with ASD would receive fewer reciprocated
friendship nominations, report poorer quality friendships,
and be viewed by their peers as more peripheral in their
classroom social networks (Bauminger and Kasari 2000;
Chamberlain et al. 2007; Rotheram-Fuller et al. in press). In
this study, however, a primary goal was to examine the
association between independent observations of children
on the school playground with teacher, peer and self reports
of peer relationships. We hypothesized that children who
were more peripheral in their social networks, would be less
engaged on the playground, have fewer friendships, and
receive poorer teacher reports of social skills.
Because children with ASD in this study ranged from
first to fifth grade, we were also interested in grade related
differences in our measures. In a previously completed
study involving 79 children with ASD in kindergarten
through fifth grade, grade related changes were found in
children’s social networks (Rotheram-Fuller et al. in press).
Sixty of these children are participants in the current study
and received the additional measures that are the focus of
this study (including measures of friendship quality, tea-
cher report of social relationships, and independent play-
ground observations). Thus, we can begin to examine
grade-related differences in the connections between self
and other reports and actual behaviors of children with
ASD in inclusive classrooms.
Method
Participants
A total of 243 children were prescreened for participation
in this study and 83 families signed consent from August
2003 to September 2007. The majority of families who did
not meet the prescreening criteria lived outside of our
catchment area (within 90 min of the University). Children
were included in this study if they had a diagnosis of ASD
from a licensed psychologist, if they met criteria for ASD
on the ADI-R and ADOS, were fully included in a regular
education classroom for at least 80% of the school day,
were between the ages of 6–11 years old and in grades 1–5,
and had an IQ of 65 or higher. Children were excluded
from this study if they had additional diagnoses. Of the 83
children with ASD who signed consent, 23 did not par-
ticipate for a variety of reasons (nine schools refused
participation; six parents withdrew before the assessments;
six children did not meet the IQ criteria; two children did
not meet criteria for ASD). All peers from each partici-
pating child with ASD’s classroom were then invited to
participate in the study. Both parental consent and child
assent were obtained from all participating peers.
A total of 60 children with ASD and 815 typically
developing children participated in this study. Research
clinicians not associated with the study independently
evaluated all children with ASD. Overall, 44 children
received an autism diagnosis, and 16 children received an
Asperger diagnosis. Participants were recruited from 56
classrooms in 30 different schools across the greater Los
Angeles area (53% of the schools were Title I schools). Of
the children with ASD, 15 children were in first grade, 18
children in second grade, eight children in third grade, 11
children in fourth grade, and eight children in fifth grade.
Children with ASD were from diverse ethnic backgrounds
(46.7% Caucasian, 5% African American, 21.7% Latino,
16.7% Asian, and 10% Other) and were predominantly
male (90%). All were fully included in regular education
classrooms for 80% or more of the school day and were an
average of 8.14 ± 1.56 years old, with an average IQ of
90.97 ± 16.33. One family refused the IQ test but previous
reports of IQ were in the normal range. Sixty percent of the
children with ASD were assigned a 1:1 aide in the class-
room and on the playground. Children assigned an aide had
significantly lower IQs than children without an aide,
t(1, 57) = 3.07, p = .003. Average IQ of children with NO
AIDE (N = 24) was 98.33 (SD = 19.23) and of children
WITH AIDE (N = 35) was 85.91 (SD = 11.86).
To allow for direct comparisons to the children with ASD,
a subsample of typical children was randomly selected from
each child’s classroom that matched the children with ASD
on gender, age, grade and classroom. Typically developing
children were an average of 7.86 ± 1.43 years old. Further
demographic data were not available for the matched peers.
Measures
Friendship Qualities Scale (FQS; Bukowski et al. 1994).
The FQS is a 23-item questionnaire that examined five
features of friendship quality: (a) companionship (amount
of voluntary time spent together), (b) help (encompassing
both aid and protection from victimization), (c) security
(including trust and the idea that the relationship will
transcend specific problems), (d) closeness (consisting of
both the child’s feelings toward the partner and his or her
perceptions of the partner’s feelings), and (e) conflict
(disagreements in the friendship relation). Children rated
how true a sentence description was of their best friendship
using a 5-point Likert scale (1 = never to 5 = always).
This measure has been used in previous studies of children
J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544 535
123
with autism and their peers (Bauminger and Kasari 2000;
Bauminger et al. 2004; Chamberlain et al. 2007).
Playground Observation of Peer Engagement (POPE)
(Kasari et al. 2005). Designed for this study, the POPE is a
time-interval behavior coding system. Researchers recor-
ded children’s engagement with peers on the playground,
and frequency of initiations and responses (see Table 1 for
description). Independent observers watched the target
child on the playground for 40 consecutive seconds and
then coded for 20 s for at least ten minutes during the
recess or lunch play period on two separate occasions
within 1 week. The observers noted the child’s engagement
with peers on the playground (solitary, proximity,
onlooking, parallel, parallel aware, involved in games with
rules and joint engaged with peers) in each interval.
Playground engagement states were summed for a total
proportion of intervals in each engagement state.
Coders also noted two types of children’s initiations
toward other children. First, observers coded for successful
initiations to peers where the child directs communication
to a peer/peers (e.g. offers toy, greets, asks to play game,
comments, states facts, etc.) and the peer responds with a
nonverbal gesture (e.g. head nod/shake, follows the child,
laughs, etc.) or verbal language. Second, observers rated
children’s failed initiation attempts where the target child
directs communication to a peer/peers and the peer does
not respond or ignores the child. Coders also noted two
types of child responses to others including the children’s
appropriate responses to a peer’s initiation (e.g. child says
yes when a peer asks him/her to play) as well as the child’s
missed responses to a peer’s initiation (e.g. a peer asks him/
her to play and the child does not respond). Playground
observations included a comment section where the
observer qualitatively documented whether or not the child
had a 1:1 aide and the type of activity he/she engaged in
with the child on the yard.
Playground engagement states were summed into total
interval counts that yielded a total percentage of intervals
in each engagement state, and frequency of social behav-
iors (e.g., initiating to others and responding to peers’
social overtures) within each observed interval. To correct
for varying intervals per observation, the number of
intervals children spent in each engagement state was
divided by the total number of observed intervals for that
observation period.
Prior to beginning the study, all observers were trained
and considered reliable with percent agreement [.80.Observers then overlapped on 15% of all observations
distributed over the course of the study to assess coder
reliability and drift. When conducting reliability two
observers overlapped on sessions and began their stop-
watches at the same time, but coded independently. Reli-
ability was estimated with Kappa statistic, and averaged
.91 (range .83–.96).
Teacher Perception Measure. The Teacher Perception
Measure was a 26 item questionnaire completed by teachers
and adapted from the Personal Maturity Scale (Alexander
and Entwisle 1988), the Child Behavior Checklist for Pre-
school-Aged Children, Teacher Report (Achenbach et al.
1987) and the Behavior Problems Index (Zill 1990) by the
Early Head Start FACES program. The adapted measure
used a 3-point Likert scale to rate 12 items regarding
teachers’ perceptions of students’ social skills (1 = never,
2 = sometimes, 3 = very often) and 14 items regarding the
teacher’s perceptions of children’s classroom conduct
(1 = not true, 2 = somewhat or sometimes true, 3 = very
true or often true). The social skills domain described the
child’s strengths, such as adaptability to the school class-
room and environment, quality of interactions with peers,
and popularity or likeability among peers. The classroom
conduct domain described problems, such as disruptive,
impulsive, withdrawn, and depressive behaviors; problems
in school-related skills and motivation; and difficulty fol-
lowing directions. The Early Head Start FACES program
reported good internal consistency for this measure, ranging
from .72 to .88.
Table 1 Engagement states from the playground observation of peer engagement
Solitary/
isolated
Child plays alone, with no peers within 3 feet, and no mutual eye gaze with other children
Proximity Child plays alone within 3-foot range of peer
Onlooker Child has one-way awareness of child who is farther away than 3 feet. It appears the child is watching another child or group of
children or a game with interest or the intent to participate
Parallel Child and peer are engaged in a similar activity but there is no social behavior
Parallel aware Child and peer engaged in similar activity and mutually aware of each other during activity
Joint
engagement
Child and peer direct social behavior, e.g., offering objects, conversing, toy-taking, and other activities with a turn- taking
structure
Games with
rules
Child participates in organized sports such as 4-square, basketball, or handball and/or engages in fantasy or pretend play OR a
fantasy game that the child or his/her peers have created provided all children are playing by a set of rules that the children
have specified. A game has to be with another child
536 J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544
123
Social Networks and Friendship Survey. Children were
asked to identify who they like to hang out with in their
classroom. From this list the children generated, they were
instructed to circle their top 3 friends, and place a star next to
their best friend from among the 3 names that were circled.
They were also asked to list any children they did not like to
hang out with (rejects). Next, participating students were
asked: ‘‘Are there kids in your class who like to hang out
together? Who are they?’’ Children listed the names of other
children who hung around together in groups; they were
reminded to include themselves in groups as well as to
remember to include students of both genders. Children
circled the groups of children who they identified as hanging
out together. This method has been used in various studies
from early childhood through adolescence to assess the
social structure of individual classrooms for both typical and
atypical populations (Cairns and Cairns 1994; Farmer and
Farmer 1996; Chamberlain et al. 2007; Locke et al. 2010).
Coding Indegrees, Outdegrees, Connects, and Rejects.
These variables were coded from the Friendship Survey.
Indegrees were coded as the total number of received
friendship nominations – the number of classmates that
listed the child as ‘‘someone they like to hang out with,’’
whereas outdegrees were coded as the total number of
outward friendship nominations by the child—the number
of classmates the child listed as ‘‘someone they like to hang
out with.’’ Children’s connects score was calculated as the
total number of children that were significantly linked on
the social network map. Each line segment from the social
network map indicated a significant connection to a
classmate from that child (See Fig. 1). Lastly, rejects were
coded as the total number of times children were identified
as someone other children ‘‘did not like to hang out with’’.
Coding Friendship Reciprocity. Children were consid-
ered to have reciprocal friendships if they selected each
other as their top 3 or best friends within the classroom. A
conservative method of determining reciprocal friendships
was used, such that when one of the students nominated
was absent, or did not complete the measure, it was coded
as missing data instead of a non-reciprocal friendship.
Coding Social Network Centrality (Cairns and Cairns
1994). Following Cairns and Cairns (1994), social network
analyses were conducted in order to obtain each child’s
social network centrality score. Social network centrality
refers to the prominence of an individual in the overall
classroom social structure. Three related scores were cal-
culated in order to determine a student’s level of involve-
ment in the classroom’s social networks: (1) the student’s
‘‘individual centrality,’’ (2) the ‘‘cluster centrality’’ of each
social group within the class, and (3) the student’s combined
‘‘social network centrality’’ score. Using methods developed
by Cairns and Cairns (1994), the first two types of centrality
were used to determine the third (Cairns et al. 1990; Farmer
and Farmer 1996). Based on categorizations by Farmer and
Farmer (1996), four levels of social network centrality were
possible. These four levels of involvement (i.e. isolated,
peripheral, secondary, and nuclear) in the classroom’s social
structure were coded from 0 to 3, to provide a system for
describing how well the child with ASD was integrated into
the informal peer networks. Children that were considered
‘isolated’ received a score of 0 for their social network
centrality and were not considered part of any cluster of
children within their classroom. Children that were consid-
ered ‘peripheral’ received a score of 1 for their social net-
work centrality and were considered on the outskirts of their
classroom’s social structure. These children may have a few
connections to other children within the classroom but are
not salient members of their classroom’s social network.
Children that were considered ‘secondary’ received a score
of 2 on their social network centrality and were considered
well connected members of their classroom social structure.
Lastly, children that were considered ‘nuclear’ received a
score of 3 on their social network centrality and were con-
sidered ‘popular’ and central members of their classroom
social structure. These children were individually salient
(nominated frequently) and were also significantly con-
nected to other children who were very salient on an indi-
vidual level. Children’s total social network centrality status
could only be as high as their lowest centrality score derived
from their individual or cluster centrality score.
Procedures
Once families completed the informed consent process,
they were assessed by independent evaluators to validate
the clinical diagnosis of ASD via the ADI-R (Lord et al.
1994) and ADOS (Lord et al. 2000) evaluations. Inde-
pendent evaluators also administered the Wechsler
Fig. 1 Sample social network map where the target child is anisolate. All other lines stemming from children’s ID numbers indicate
significant classroom connections. Numbers in parenthesis next to theID number represent children’s individual scores. Numbers within thecluster are children’s group scores (*** denotes the target child with
autism)
J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544 537
123
Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III; Weschler 1991)
to obtain a developmental quotient. Children with an IQ of
65 or higher and who had a diagnosis of ASD were
included in the study.
Upon entry into the study, research personnel contacted
the target child’s school and obtained a letter of school
participation for the study. Once school approval was
obtained, consent forms were distributed to all children in
the class. Children were informed that their classroom was
selected to participate in a research study examining chil-
dren’s friendships and social skills. Children, who returned
informed consent from their parents, as well as offered
assent to join the study, completed the social network
measures (including brief demographic information) and the
Friendship Qualities Scale. To ensure understanding of the
measures, research personnel provided verbal instructions
on how to complete the instruments and individually assis-
ted children who had difficulty reading and/or writing and/or
were in the youngest grades. Children in the older grades
independently completed the measures after instructions
were given. In addition, teachers were asked to complete the
Teacher Perceptions Scale for the child with ASD during
this visit. Within the same week of distributing classroom
measures, research personnel gathered behavioral observa-
tions on the playground during two separate recess periods.
Results
Analyses below are based on 120 children, 60 children with
ASD and a paired sample of 60 typically developing peers
(children matched on age and gender from the same
classroom). There were no differences on outcome mea-
sures between children diagnosed with Asperger syndrome
(n = 16) and autism (n = 44); therefore, the following
analyses included all 60 children with ASD. We first report
descriptive data for the groups on measures of peer nom-
ination and friendship ratings: social network centrality,
friendship nominations (indegrees, outdegrees, connec-
tions, rejects, reciprocity of best and top 3 friends), and
friendship quality ratings. In each case, we tested for group
and grade-related differences. Next we report the descrip-
tive data for the playground observations of children with
ASD, and finally report individual differences in measures
for the children with ASD.
Descriptive Data: Self-and Other Perceptions of Social
Connections for Children With and Without ASD
Social Network Centrality. For the group of children with
ASD, 8 children were isolated, 25 had peripheral status, 22
had secondary status, and five had nuclear social status. In
contrast, none of the typically developing children were
isolated, six had peripheral status, 35 had secondary status
and 19 had nuclear status. See Fig. 2.
Consistent with our earlier studies, an ANOVA indi-
cated that there was a significant group difference for social
network centrality, F(1, 116) = 38.57, p .0001. Childrenwith ASD had significantly poorer social network centrality
(1.38 ± .09) compared to typically developing matched
peers (2.20 ± .09). There was a significant main effect of
grade level, F(1, 116) = 4.87, p = .03 where children in
the older grades (3rd–5th) had lower social network cen-
trality (1.65 ± .10) than children in the younger grades
(1st–2nd; 1.93 ± .09). There was no significant interaction
between grade and diagnostic group.
Friendships, Connections, and Rejections. A MANOVA
with grade and diagnostic group as independent variables
was used to compare the number of children’s friendships,
connections, and rejections within his/her classroom
between typically developing children and children with
ASD. Of the 120 children, 114 children were used in this
analysis because three children with ASD did not complete
the rejections portion of the friendship survey, as it was
added after the study began; thus, these students (and their
matched peers) were excluded from this analysis.
The multivariate result was significant for group, Wilks
Lambda = .79, F(1, 106) = 7.13, p B .001, indicating a
difference in friendships between children with ASD and
their typically developing peers. The univariate F tests
showed a significant difference between children with ASD
and their matched peers for the number of friends they
nominated within the classroom (outdegrees; F(1, 106) =
8.57, p = .004), the number of received friendship nomi-
nations by other children (indegrees; F(1, 106) = 18.84,
p B .001), and the number of classroom connections (con-
nects; F(1, 106) = 14.61, p B .001). Children with ASD
nominated fewer peers as friends (3.76 ± .34), were nom-
inated fewer times as a friend by peers (1.48 ± .24) and had
Fig. 2 Bar graph of the frequency of social network centrality statusfor children with ASD and their typically developing matched peers
538 J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544
123
fewer overall classroom connections (i.e., smaller social
networks; 2.76 ± .33) than their typically developing mat-
ched peers (5.17 ± .34; 2.92 ± .24; 4.54 ± .33, respec-
tively). Children with ASD did not differ from typically
developing children in their percentage of connections to
peers by gender. Boys were more often connected to boys
and girls to girls for both groups. Lastly, when examining
children’s number of rejections, there was no significant
difference in the number of rejection nominations received
by children with ASD relative to their matched peers. There
was no main effect of grade or a group by grade interaction
for these outcomes (see Fig. 3).
Reciprocal Friendships. Both reciprocated top 3 friends
and best friendships were examined using an ANOVA. For
their top 3 friends, the overall model was significant,
F(3, 99) = 13.12, p .0001 with a significant main effectfor group, F(1, 99) = 39.22, p .0001.The percentage ofchildren’s reciprocal friendships with their nominated top
three best friends was significantly lower for children with
ASD (17.91% ± 5.32) in comparison to their typically
developing matched peers (63.91% ± 5.07). There was no
main effect of grade or a group by grade interaction.
The overall model was significant for reciprocal best
friends, F(3,61) = 3.94, p = .0123, with a significant main
effect of group, F(1, 61) = 10.82, p = .0017. Children
with ASD had fewer reciprocal best friends than did typical
children, (11.33% ± 8.4 compared to 44.97% ± 7.08),
respectively. There was no main effect of grade or a group
by grade interaction. See Fig. 4.
In addition, there was no difference between children
with ASD and typically developing children in whether they
selected a same-sex best friend (v2(1, N = 116) = 3.42,p = .09). The majority of both groups chose same sex best
friends, 56 out of 60 typically developing children and 46
out of 56 children with ASD. Four children with ASD did
not list any peer as a friend.
Friendship Quality Scale. A MANOVA with grade and
diagnostic group as independent variables was used to
compare the five domains of child-rated friendship quality
(i.e. companionship, help, security, conflict, and closeness)
between typically developing children and children with
ASD. Of the 120 children in the matched sample, 116
children were used in this analysis. Four children with ASD
did not list a best friend and therefore did not complete the
FQS; therefore, they were excluded from the analysis.
The multivariate result was significant for group, Wilk’s
Lambda = .84, F(1, 108) = 4.13, p = .002, indicating a
difference in friendship quality between children with ASD
and their typically developing peers. The univariate F tests
showed there was a significant difference between chil-
dren with ASD and their matched peers for closeness,
F(1, 108) = 17.87, p B .001, security, F(1, 108) = 4.45,
p = .04, helpfulness F(1, 108) = 15.00, p B .001, and
companionship, F(1, 108) = 8.60, p = .004, in that chil-
dren with ASD reported poorer friendship quality in all four
domains (see Table 2). Children’s perceptions of conflict
with respect to their best friendships were not significantly
different between the two groups. There was no main effect
of grade or a group by grade interaction for any domain of
friendship quality (see Fig. 5).
Within the Autism Group Analyses: Playground
Observations of Children with ASD
On the playground, children with ASD were engaged with
their peers for just over a third of the observed intervals on
the playground (38.6% of the total intervals). Children
engaged in structured games with rules for approximately
Fig. 3 Bar graph of children’s social network variables betweenchildren with ASD and their typically developing matched peers
(*** p .001; ** p .01)
Fig. 4 Bar graph of children’s reciprocal friendships betweenchildren with ASD and their typically developing matched peers
(*** p .001; * p .05)
J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544 539
123
20% of the observed intervals, and 18.6% of the observed
intervals in joint engaged activities, such as having a
conversation. For the remaining percentage of observed
intervals, children were either solitary/unengaged (33.4%),
or in lower levels of engagement: parallel play (6%); in
proximity to other children (8%); parallel aware (engaging
in similar activities with mutual social awareness; 7%); and
onlooking (watching another group of children engaged in
a game or activity; 7%). The rate of initiations to peers
was, on average, once every 3 intervals (mean of 5.13
initiations during 15.79 observed playground intervals).
Peers responded to the child with ASD in approximately
66% of the opportunities observed. Peers also initiated to
the child with ASD an average of once every four intervals
and the child with ASD responded to the peer in 75% of the
opportunities observed.
Children with ASD who had a higher percentage of
intervals observed in joint engagement and games on the
playground also initiated to other children more often on the
playground, r = .45, p B .001, and responded more to peers’
initiations, r = .57, p B .001. In addition, children with ASD
who were more engaged on the playground were significantly
less likely to have a 1:1 aide, r = -.27, p = .04.
Qualitative notes from observations: In order to deter-
mine if children with an aide were more likely to be inter-
acting with their aide rather than with other children, we
examined the qualitative comments made by the indepen-
dent coders for each observation. During the playground
observations the observer noted if the child was interacting
with their aide or with peers. Two raters further coded the
qualitative comments about what the child was doing during
recess. These raters agreed 100% on the statements about the
child’s behavior and the role of the aide. Categories included
child unengaged but peers nearby, completely unengaged
with peers or adults, wandering or unfocused, engaged with
the aide or engaged with peers. Half of the children assigned
an aide were observed as unengaged on the playground (18/
36 children or 50%), 12 were wandering or unfocused and 6
were unengaged with peers but other children were nearby
(e.g., eating nearby, or digging in the sand nearby). Another
14% (5 children) were observed interacting with their aide
only. The rest of the sample (13/36 or 36%) was observed
interacting with peers or engaged in games. Children with an
aide were most often unengaged on the playground, neither
interacting with peers or with the aide.
Connections Between Playground Observations, Peer,
Self and Teacher Reports for Children with ASD
Correlations were run to determine if playground variables
(engagement/games, unengaged/solitary, initiations, respon-
ses) were associated with peer nominations (indegrees, out-
degrees, rejects, connects), social network centrality (SNC),
and friendship quality for the children with ASD. None of the
correlations reached significance.
We then explored whether children with ASD who were
more engaged on the playground differed by teacher report
of social skills. Using chi square statistics, we found that
teachers rated children who were more engaged on the
playground as having higher social skills, although the
association was only marginally significant, v2(1, N = 56) =3.78, p = 06.
Next we tested whether the children who had a reci-
procal friendship were more engaged on the playground,
and whether peers rated these children differentially.
Twenty percent of the children with ASD (N = 12) had at
least one reciprocal friendship. These children had signif-
icantly higher social network centrality scores (2.17 ± .20)
as compared to children with ASD who did not have a
reciprocal friendship (1.24 ± .11; v2(1, N = 49) = 11.59,p = .001). Having a reciprocal friendship, however, was
not associated with being more engaged on the playground
(v2(1, N = 49) = .67, p = 1.00).
Discussion
Children with ASD in general education classrooms are
most often on the periphery of their classroom social
Table 2 Estimated mean differences and standard errors in friend-ship quality between children with autism and their matched controls
Friendship quality Autism Matched control
Closeness 19.35 (.51) 22.35 (.49)
Conflict 8.38 (.48) 8.19 (.46)
Security 16.25 (.51) 17.74 (.49)
Companionship 13.35 (.49) 15.34 (.47)
Helpfulness 16.87 (.63) 20.25 (.47)
Fig. 5 Bar graph of children’s friendship quality between childrenwith ASD and their typically developing matched peers
(*** p .001; ** p .01; * p .05)
540 J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544
123
networks. Their social networks are smaller than typical
classmates, the friendships they identify are less often
reciprocated, and the quality of their friendships is poorer.
These data for children in first through fifth grade are con-
sistent with a previous report on second and third graders
(Chamberlain et al. 2007), and further document the sig-
nificant social impairment that these children experience at
school. However, the current data go beyond our earlier
report in three main ways.
First, our previous study was limited to a small number
of high functioning children with ASD (N = 17) and a
more cohesive set of classrooms in which schools partici-
pating tended to have more services available, and may
have been motivated to participate because ‘things were
going well’ (Chamberlain et al. 2007). We found that none
of the children in our previous study were isolated, but they
were more often peripheral in their social networks.
Moreover, a gender effect was noted, with mostly boys
with ASD connected to social networks of girls (Cham-
berlain et al. 2007). In the current study, a larger sample of
60 children with ASD was recruited from a diverse set of
classrooms (half were from Title I schools). We found
again that children with ASD were mostly peripheral in
their classroom social networks, but there were also iso-
lated children (approximately 13% of the sample). The
gender effect we found previously was not noted in the
current study. Thus, consistent with typical peer social
interactions, boys were connected to boys and girls to girls,
and these findings were consistent for younger and older
children with ASD (Fein 1981; Pellegrini et al. 2007).
Reciprocity of friendships was particularly low for this
sample of children, 18% compared to 64% of their typical
classmates, and also lower than a previous study of 34% of
second and third graders with ASD (Chamberlain et al.
2007). Friendships of children with ASD may be better
characterized as unilateral rather than reciprocal. Because
friendships in the school context are important given the
amount of time children spend in school, and the impor-
tance of friends in promoting social and academic out-
comes (Ladd 1999), it will be important for future studies
to determine whether unilateral friendships satisfy similar
needs as reciprocal friendships for children with ASD
(Freeman and Kasari 1998). Additionally, friendships
outside of the school setting may provide a protective
function to children while in school, although studies have
not examined this possibility.
Second, there is some data suggesting that children with
ASD have poorer relationships at older ages (Orsmond et al.
2004; Rotheram-Fuller et al. in press). While we found
group effects in nearly all measures with children with ASD
doing less well compared to their typically developing
classmates, we found few grade differences and no grade by
group differences. There was only a grade effect for social
network centrality with all children (children with and
without ASD) having lower social network centrality at the
older grades. Relationships in general become more selec-
tive (and perhaps more challenging to maintain) as children
get older (Howlin et al. 2004; Orsmond et al. 2004). This
phenomenon appears the same for children with ASD as it is
for typically developing children.
Third, prior studies have not linked peer and child self
reports to systematic and independent playground observa-
tions and teacher reports. Thus, the current study extends our
previous findings by examining the links between peer, self,
and teacher reports, and observations of children in their
natural environment at school. One might expect that chil-
dren whose peers see them as more socially connected to
other children in the class would also be more engaged on
the playground. Yet, contrary to our expectations, there was
little association between playground engagement and peer
nominations of social connections. Regardless of social
status in the classroom, children with ASD were just as
likely to be unengaged on the playground if they were rated
as popular or isolated. Moreover, even with a reciprocal
friendship, children with ASD were no more engaged on the
playground than were children with ASD who did not have a
reciprocal friendship. Although a limitation of the study is
the lack of comparable playground data for the typical peers,
these data do provide insight into the potential problems
children with ASD experience on the playground, despite
having some important connections to their peers.
There are several reasons why the playground may be a
difficult environment for children with ASD. One is that in
contrast to the structure and expectations of the classroom in
which children may be able to connect with peers, the
playground is often chaotic and crowded. Even with a
reciprocal friend, children with ASD may be unable to
access the playground culture at their school. While adults
may be present on the yard, they are often more concerned
with safety than with facilitation of engagement between
peers (Anderson et al. 2004). Indeed, adults often believe
recess is a time away from adult intrusions, and that most
children understand how to play with each other (Giangreco
and Broer 2005). Yet, for children with ASD, playing and
engaging with others is likely the most difficult time of their
day. It seems likely that the playground is a good setting for
social skills interventions for children with autism. As a
result, one of the most common interventions for children
with ASD is to assign support staff, often in the form of a 1:1
aide (Anderson et al. 2004). In this study, over half of the
children were assigned an aide. Children with aides were
less likely to be engaged with peers on the playground, and
qualitative data indicated they were mostly unengaged from
their peers and also not engaged with their aides. These data
suggest that aides were unable to facilitate more peer
engagement of children on the playground. Future studies
J Autism Dev Disord (2011) 41:533–544 541
123
should carefully consider the role of the paraprofessional
assigned to children with ASD. Several studies now high-
light the critical need for aide training, so that aides learn
how to best facilitate interactions between children, and take
care not to stigmatize and otherwise isolate the child with
ASD (Anderson et al. 2004; Humphrey and Lewis 2008;
Brown et al. 2001).
Finally, the situation for children with ASD in inclusive
classrooms was not completely bleak. Children with ASD
did not differ from typical children in the number of
rejection nominations they received from their peers. This
finding, along with the relatively low levels of isolated
children nominated on the social networks measure, sug-
gests that children with ASD have more potential for fitting
into their typical school classrooms than other data-based
and anecdotal reports would suggest (Church et al. 2000;
Humphrey and Lewis 2008). Rather than active rejection,
children with ASD may fall into the class of neglected
children, often overlooked as potential playmates by other
children in the class (Asher and Wheeler 1985).
While our informant measures (peer, teacher and child with
ASD) did not link to our playground observations, observa-
tions of children on the playground yielded consistent data for
children’s level of engagement with initiations and responses
to peers. When children were engaged in games or conver-
sations, there were more initiations and responses to and from
peers. Thus, increasing engagement with children on the
playground is an important target of intervention that may
move children from the periphery of groups to more central
roles within the group. More engagement may lead to
increased opportunities to hone social skills, both in navigat-
ing positive interactions, and in negotiating conflicts. Better
engagement on the playground also appears associated with
more get-togethers of children outside of school (Frankel et al.
2010). Therefore, a goal for future studies will be to more
closely examine the effects of increased engagement on
children’s social developmental outcomes.
The current study goes beyond earlier studies by com-
bining data from multiple sources and by using multiple
methods on a large sample of children with autism. Still,
there remain a number of limitations that should be con-
sidered in interpreting the findings, and in designing future
studies. First, this study highlights some of the difficulties
in working within school settings that involve as few as 1
or 2 classrooms per school that contain a child with autism.
Obtaining enough data on each child becomes a challenge
when sample sizes are fairly large (n = 60) and classrooms
are many, as in the present report. Beyond the relatively
small corpus of observational data per participant (two
recess periods in one week contributing less than 30 min of
observational data), other limitations include the lack of
data on the typically developing matched peers. We were
unable to collect playground observational data and other
background information on the typical classmates. This
may be avoided in future studies if the typical classmates
are consented and matched from the beginning of the
study. Our approach was to utilize all of the children in the
class to obtain the social network centrality measure and
then to randomly select one child who could match the
child with autism on meaningful variables of age, gender
and same classroom. We were not able to verify ethnicity,
or other background variables on the children, and it is
possible that these variables may have influenced the
results despite the fact that children were in the same class,
same school and same neighborhood. Future studies will
need to consider these factors in making comparisons to
children with autism in general education classrooms.
In summary, this study provides a unique look into the
school social experiences of a diverse group of high-
functioning children with ASD. Information was gathered
from multiple sources, including the child with ASD, his or
her peers, and teacher, as well as independent observations
of interactions on the child’s playground. While measures
converged from multiple informants (teachers, peers and
child with ASD) on the level of connection between the
child and his or her peers and the reciprocity of their
friendships, there was little association to observations
made independently on the playground. Thus, these data
yield a complicated picture of the social lives of children
with ASD suggesting that success with peers may be
greater if the supports are in place to engage children with
their peers on the school playground.
Acknowledgments This study was supported by NIMH grant5-U54-MH-068172 and HRSA grant UA3MC11055. We thank the
children, parents, schools and teachers who participated, and the
individuals who contributed countless hours of assessments, inter-
vention, and coding, Laudan Jahromi, Lisa Lee, Eric Ishijima, Kelly
Goods, Nancy Huynh, Mark Kretzmann, Tracy Guiou and Steve
Johnson. We especially appreciate the statistical support of Jeff Wood
and Fiona Whalen from the UCLA Semel Institute Statistical Group
and to Steven Kapp for feedback on earlier versions of the paper.
Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of theCreative Commons Attribution Noncommercial License which per-
mits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any
medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited.
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- Social Networks and Friendships at School: Comparing Children With and Without ASD
- Abstract
- Introduction
- Method
- Participants
- Measures
- Procedures
- Results
- Descriptive Data: Self-and Other Perceptions of Social Connections for Children With and Without ASD
- Within the Autism Group Analyses: Playground Observations of Children with ASD
- Connections Between Playground Observations, Peer, Self and Teacher Reports for Children with ASD
- Discussion
- Acknowledgments
- References
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